Times Magazine, Hong Kong-a hmunpui nei Asia Business Council (ABC) leh Singapore-a awm Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy bultumin an buatsaih – “Asia’s Challenge 2020 ” thupui hmanga Essay inziaksiak-ah India mi 3 leh Singapore mi 1 ten lawmman an dawng. He lawmman hi ni 6 December 2010, Thawhtanni khan Singapore-ah a hlanna hun hman a ni a,he lawmman hian lawmman pakhatna Singapore dollar 2,500, runners up lawmman Singapore dollar 1,000 a keng a ni.
Lawmman pakhatna dawngtu hi Dehradun, India-a piang Sarabjit Singh a ni a, runners up dawngtute chu Tamil Nadu-India atangin Gemlyn George, New Delhi-India atangin Rohit Pathak leh Singapore atangin Su Hsing Loh te an ni.
An Essay ziak chhiar duhte tan kan rawn tarlang e:-
I Have a Dollar. My Neighbor Has a Million
- - Sarabjit Singh
The Case of the Old Lady
The old lady walks in with the evening crowd, clutching an old bag that she sets down in the middle of the square. Surrounded by fancy windows promoting sparkling jewelry and diamond brocaded watches, and restaurants that charge more per meal than she spends on her food in a week, she unties her sac of wares and lays them out. Five minutes later, she is sitting on her foldable chair with her arms stretched out in front of her, with two packets of paper tissues at the end of each, quietly beckoning the flowing multitude around her to equip themselves for an unexpected case of a sweaty brow or a running nose.
It is Friday evening in Orchard, Singapore's premier shopping district, and the setting sun is making way for the revelry of yet another weekend. The old lady is beginning her lonely struggle to earn what she will need to feed herself tomorrow. She does not have a pension fund, social security, unemployment insurance or old-age benefits. Fluctuations in her daily earnings matter more to her than the ups and downs of the stock market, and she is probably as disconnected a participant as one can be in the economic juggernaut that Singapore is often spoken of as.
Yet if you could zoom out of this tiny island to gaze across the entire expanse of Asia, you will see that she is not alone. From homeless have-nots huddled together in the cold subways of Seoul, watching the smartly dressed haves hustle from swanky offices to heated homes, to a family of six sheltered in their one room wooden shack, listening to the thundering roar of airplanes landing on the strip beside the world's largest slum in Mumbai — jarring illustrations of social and economic inequality abound across this continent.
In the aftermath of the worst global financial crisis since the Great Depression, pundits in the hallowed financial centers of London and New York speak of Asia as the next success story. "Asian countries have been leading a recovery in the world economy," claims an IMF report. (1) Separately, Mr. Dominique Strauss-Kahn, managing director of the IMF, has remarked that "rapid economic growth has turned the region into a global economic powerhouse ... Asia's economic weight is on track to grow even larger." (2)
That most emerging economies from the Middle East to the Far East will continue to develop in the coming decades seems to be an inescapable conclusion. What is not guaranteed however is whether the fruits of this almost incontrovertible development will be available to all who dwell in these countries. As Asia has grown, so has an underbelly of penniless paupers. The bulk of Asian countries face a growing impoverished population that does not have any stake in the spoils being flaunted by their rich.
- - Gemlyn George
It was the winter of 1777. Soldiers of the newly formed continental army under George Washington had encamped at Valley Forge. Over the next four months, typhoid, dysentery and small pox swept through the camp decimating an already weak force. Washington and his medics decided to act on a rumor that small pox could be prevented. They decided to rub the pus of already affected individuals into wounds of unaffected men. Of the men inoculated, only a small number went on to develop the disease but the rest were rendered immune for life. This along with measures to improve sanitation with a dedicated corps of doctors and nurses helped the army recover and reengage the British with new confidence, eventually winning independence.
History is replete with such instances where health was often the decisive factor in shaping events. In the turmoil following World War II, when Asian nations took the form they have now, healthcare was acknowledged as an important factor in the road to prosperity.
In the year 2000, The World Health Organization (WHO) conducted its first-ever analysis of the health systems of 191 member states. The top 50 included 12 countries from Asia. But a disproportionate number among those — nine — belonged to oil producing nations. The subsequent decade played host to numerous stories of Asian nations coming into their own with robustly growing economies weathering the global economic storm, and yet there has a been a sense of disquiet when it comes to healthcare. Despite noises made at the beginning of the millennium, expenditure in this sector by governments across the region has often been seconded in preference to measures that reaped quick rewards, such as physical infrastructure and arms, in terms of economic growth and a greater diplomatic punch. As a result, Asian countries continue to lag behind in healthcare as can be seen by the dreadfully high numbers in infant mortality in South Asia — 52 per thousand in India alone.
Another worrying trend is the paucity of healthcare professionals. India has approximately 70,000 doctors, working out to 7 per 10,000 people, and 1.5 million nurses and technicians for her 1.2 billion strong population (WHO data). Compare this with countries with strong healthcare satisfaction levels which average above 25 doctors per 10,000. Within the WHO list, Singapore was the highest ranked Asian country at 6, while Myanmar brought up the rear at 190. China came in at 144 and India was placed at 112. Contrast this with the size of their economies. China is the second largest economy in the world and India the fourth largest. Yet, the investment made in this sector has a lot of catching up to do.
Why is it so important for healthcare to refine its act?
In 2003, a paper by David Bloom and his team highlighted that one year's improvement on a population's life expectancy could result in a 4% increase in output. Illness and disability reduce hourly wages earned, an effect especially seen in developing countries. It's imperative therefore that a nation looking to move forward also allocates resources to ensure that her people can function at their best. Interestingly, the success of the existing system in reducing mortality due to infectious diseases with a changing lifestyle means that Asian people have a greater life expectancy and in turn have begun to face a new spectrum of chronic disorders.
- - Rohit Pathak
As Asia marches forward, as some of its nations join the industrial world, and as others, although still young, establish themselves among the globe's economic and political elite, the world watches in bewildering awe the continent which it once had tagged as the Third World. There is no doubt, therefore, that the coming decade will be Asia's. In fact, it might not be an exaggeration to say that this entire century will be Asia's. But amidst all this glory, as is the case with every transition, there are certain obstacles that can severely stymie the continent's progress and must be removed before anything more complex is to be achieved. I am, of course, talking about those problems that the developing part of Asia is still dealing with.
Quite surprisingly, while some nations such as Japan, Singapore and South Korea have been successful in ascending to First World resplendency, there still are nations in the continent that are struggling with dithering political regimes, rampant corruption, poverty, hunger and malnutrition, poor healthcare, illiteracy, and internal instabilities — all the characteristics that are unacceptable if the goal is comprehensive development. There are yet others (such as India) which, despite robust economic growth, stable governments and noble government intentions, still remain unsuccessful in providing basic sustenance to a large part of their population, again perhaps because of the transitory corruption that has permeated the system. Then there is also the issue of energy security in a ruthlessly energy hungry, oil devouring economic environment under the threat of an imminent energy crisis and amidst increasing pressure from nature and the international community to go green.
The challenges, as we can see, are many, and therefore, in my view, to think of the problems in terms of a "one greatest challenge" is to disregard the other equally significant challenges as unimportant. It is also futile to target them one at a time just for the sake of correcting unpleasant statistics, as these problems are, and have invariably been, inherently interconnected. And so, what we need as a continent are not small and superficial remedies but a single holistic solution that incorporates all aspects of all our problems. However romantically promising a holistic solution still eludes our policy makers, perhaps because it is too theoretical and idealistic. To make things easier for our continent's leaders, it is, then, only wise to break down these problems to the most fundamental and come up with the 'most' holistic solution.
Upon doing so, I believe the basic problem because of which most of our progress (especially economic) is hindered is still the problem of governance. Without good governance, all policies, plans or solutions are redundant. The biggest hurdle in the way of good governance is corruption, as it is, undoubtedly, the direct and indirect cause of almost the entire spectrum of our problems such as poverty, terrorism, illiteracy, poor infrastructure and others, which probably, in its absence, could have been solved by now. On the domestic level, therefore, besides increasing the efficiency of our countries' government machinery, our primary aim must be to develop an effective framework for tackling the governmental menace of corruption. Furthermore, on a more bigger and broader scale and in view of a more general and long- term picture of Asia, our leaders must also make efforts to produce a peaceful political environment in Asia by attaining greater political stability in tense regions such as Burma, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Middle East so as to make these regions economically stable and reliable and capable of a more active participation in our economic environment. Without it, nothing greater can be expected of them and the economic potential of regional integration and cooperation cannot be fully realized. Not only that, we will need all the help we can get from these nations in tackling the harsher challenges that await us.
I admit that in the midst of immensely pressing issues like global warming, energy security, and sustainable development, what I have proposed is a rather dry diagnosis, but alas, as with every task, I believe it is the dull part that ought to be dealt with first, especially in Asia where it can prove to be a huge hindrance in the future. The premise is as simple as it can get: if the foundation is solid, the building will stand.
- - Su Hsing Loh
Strong growth in recent decades and the relatively quick recovery of Asia from the financial crisis has sparked debates on whether Asia is decoupling from the West. But perhaps what is more pertinent is the normative question of whether Asia should decouple from the West and exactly what this decoupling process entails.
Loosely interpreted, decoupling is said to happen when two entities move in opposite directions, disconnect, or no longer has a direct effect on the other. This essay argues that Asia should decouple from the West, and that this process of decoupling will be the greatest challenge that Asia will face in the coming decade. However, a more measured definition of decoupling is used — the overarching process whereby Asia explores, diversifies, and reduces general reliance on the West. The key is to engage and cooperate with the West but allow more room for Asia to find its own niche and maximize its potential. It is not a zero-sum game and it is certainly not about disengaging from the West or isolating Asia.
It might seem misguided to focus on the macro issue of decoupling when there are many other specific challenges plaguing Asia, spanning from environmental problems to instability in domestic politics. However, closer examination would reveal that decoupling is an overarching process that underlies practically all of these realms. Due to the eminence of the West in the recent centuries, its norms, values, standards and methods have become the de facto hardware and software of the world, and Asia is often at the receiving end. Continued reliance and benchmarking against the West in all these realms is not the way forward. Much has been written about finding the "Asian Way", but this is very much a misnomer and the concept remains nebulous. Truth of the matter is, nothing in this globalized and interdependent world is completely unique these days, and what we have are merely adaptations and improvements. What is suggested here is not a singularly Asian or "un-Western" way, but rather adaptations, improvements, and leapfrogging from what is already in existence.
Sketching Asia
Several qualifiers are necessary at this juncture. The usage of "Asia" and the "West" is not always meaningful, and suggests rather erroneously that the two are opposites, and each are coherent, homogeneous wholes. Clearly, this is hardly the case. The demarcation of "Asia" and the "West" is problematic in many ways. Asia, as used in this essay, refers to East Asia and South Asia. The "West" refers generally to the United States and Europe. While it is obviously futile to descend into steoreotypes, this essay does seek to highlight the fact that Asia is different in several ways, above and beyond dissimilar philosophies and the elusive term, culture.
First, what is tried and tested in the West has not always worked for Asia. For instance, during the Asian financial crisis in 1997, recommendations from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) which were imposed on the Asian countries as part of the conditions for the loans did not alleviate the situation. Malaysia, which detracted from the recommendations was among the first to recover. There were also suggestions that the IMF recommendations for maintaining high domestic interest rates, liberalizing the economy and pegging currency to the dollar were what triggered the financial crisis in the first place. In addition, most Asian economies have achieved the greatest level of growth under semi-authoritarian regimes, and examples include Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore and China. While economic growth is not the best yardstick to measure the overall health of a nation, there are definitely indicators that the Western definition of democracy and its accompanying multiplier benefits have their limitations.